Marking the 52nd Independence Day anniversary, suspected gunmen barged into the hostel of Federal Polytechnic Mubi Campus on the night of October 1, 2012 and killed 50 students. This is according to a security source, who spoke to 247ureports.com indicating that the attack raises more questions as to the composition of the Joint Task Force [JTF] stationed in the Mubi axis.
It is recalled the attacked occurred at a student hostel away from the Federal Polytechnic Mubi campus. The gunmen arrived at the hostel with guns blazing at about 10:30pm. The gun shots continued till 3am. During the shooting exercise, the gunmen selectively picked their would-be victims, asking their names before shooting them.
The source points to the curfew that been in place in Mubi, Adamawa since January 2012. It starts at 3pm and ends 6am daily. The operatives of the JTF are responsible for the enforcement of the curfew.
The source who is a Christian member of the security outfit stationed in Mubi cautioned that it was virtually impossible for gunmen to move from the Cameroonian border into Mubi or from Maiduguri [Borno] border into Mubi – without the aid of collaborators within the JTF. “There are checkpoints at every corner – and we conduct house to house search from time to time”, said the security source who also explained that there had been a mass exodus of security men stationed to the Mubi area for fear of confrontation with the men of Boko Haram. [Mubi community is reported to serve as a gateway into Nigeria from Cameroun for the Islamic terrorist group.]
The source further revealed that the media handlers of the security forces stationed in Mubi have already began inside work on spinning the story of what actually occurred at the hostel. “They want to change the story from Boko Haram to student government wahala”, said the source who continued that the top ranks within the JTF have already pinpointed a student government election held at the said institution. They want to divert attention away from Boko Haram to the internal squabbles between the student governments.
Available information indicates that the student government, following their elections – had witnessed a fractionalization. The faction which the result of the election did not favor was said to have travelled to Maiduguri, Borno State to recruit gunmen to “deal with” the other faction.
But the security source discounts the above assertion as false, and fabricated by the political leaders in Adamawa in cohorts with the top shots within the JTF. “They are too embarrassed to accept that the terrorist are part of us”.
The source also pointed to the recent ‘arrest’ of 156 members of the Boko Haram in Yelwa area, near Shagari Low Cost, in Mubi by the Joint Task Force (JTF) in Adamawa State, Sunday September 23, 2012 as wanting and insincere. He revealed that the said ‘arrest’ was the result of an ongoing negotiation between the Nigerian security forces and the terrorist group. “The security agents were not working on a tip-off as widely reported in the media”, the terrorists surrendered under a previously reached agreement – “only to be faced with bullets”.
He pointed fingers at the Brigade Commander, Brigadier-General John Nwaoga; the State Commissioner of Police, Godfrey Okeke and the Director of State Security Service [SSS].
Meanwhile, the non-Muslims in the Mubi area have begun leaving the community for their safety.
The violent protests that erupted in the Arab and Islamic world recently serve as a reminder to the US of what may happen should it attack Iran. If this was the reaction to a primitive movie about the prophet Mohammed, how will the Muslims respond to a strike on Iran’s nuclear installations? It is safe to assume that in such an event the Sunni-Shia divide won’t serve as a moderating factor. Even if Israellaunches a go-it-alone attack, the US will be accused at least of assisting the Jewish state – if not of actually taking part in the strike – and will be exposed to more acts of terror.
The Obamaadministration’s fear of a rift with the Muslim world was evident in the numerous conciliatory statements made by the American president during his speech before the UN General Assembly. He dedicated a significant part of his address to lauding the revolutions which swept the Arab world over the past year and stressed Washington’s support for the uprisings. At the same time, he addressed the Iranian crisis only briefly.
The US has a number of reasons not to attack Iran. These are some of them:
1. Since the Vietnam War the US has not gone to war without an international coalition, although it has always shouldered most of the burden. This was the case in the Gulf War, the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan and the campaigns in the former Yugoslavia and in Libya. Obama was criticized for leading the NATO forces’ victory in Libya ‘from afar,’ and some considered this to be his new doctrine. Even during the invasion of the island of Grenada in 1983 President Reagan had a small coalition. Obama will need a much broader coalition of nations to share the military and economic burden of an attack on Iran, but the chances that he will succeed in forming such a coalition for a war that will mostly benefit Israel are slim. In 1967, President Johnson failed to form an international force to break the naval siege of Eilat. Even if Obama does succeed, the process will be long and will not coincide with Netanyahu’s timetable.
2. Just like Israel’s security establishment, the American security establishment is not interested in a war in Iran at this juncture. The recent statements made by the chairman of the US military’s Joint Chiefs of Staff and by the defense secretary have made this abundantly clear. The opposition to an attack stems mainly from the fact that the US armed forces are spread out in a number of countries and are worn out after 10 consecutive years of fighting. The US Army is also fearful of budget cuts that would make it difficult to replenish its arsenal after any campaign against Iran.
3. A sharp rise in the price of oil, which would almost certainly follow any attack on Iran, would severely hurt the US economy. Such a development would hinder Obama’s plans to rescue the American economy from the current crisis. The cost of a war on Iran would also increase the US’ national debt, which currently tops $16 trillion.
4. While the average American is hostile to the Iranian regime, the majority of the US public has grown weary of war, particularly in distant countries, and is no longer interested in being the ‘world’s police officer.’ Israel’s harsh threats have made Iran’s nuclear program an Israeli problem, and despite the support for the Jewish state among Conservatives and Evangelicals, recent polls show that 60-70% of Americans are against going to war with Iran.
5. Within the Democratic Party, the traditional pro-Israel consensus between the workers’ unions and the liberal camp is dissipating, to some extent due to Israel’s policy vis-à-vis the Palestinians. Moreover, many Jewish supporters of the Democratic Party are disgusted by what they view as the domination of religion, racism and nationalism over the Jewish state. The party’s character is changing with the addition of many African-Americans and Hispanics, who do not support Israel. The omission of language declaring Jerusalem as the capital of Israel from the Democratic Party’s platform is indicative of this trend. Due to demographic changes, if he is reelected Obama will have difficulties waging a war that appears to be an Israeli interest without the support of his party, at the very least. It must also be remembered that Obama believes in diplomatic solutions to international disputes and also seeks reconciliation with the Muslim world.
There is no doubt that Obama wants to stop Iran from building a nuclear bomb, but he has many reasons not to employ military force to achieve this goal. We shouldn’t expect Romney to act any different if he is elected president.
Avraham Zilkha is an associate professor of Hebrew and Middle Eastern studies at the University of Texas at Austin
Reports from Mubi, Adamawa state say some unknown gunmen men Monday night raided some apartments that hosts numerous students of tertiary institutions at Wuro Patuji, a suburb of Mubi town and allegedly killed about 27 students suspected to be students of Federal Polytechnic Mubi.
Witnesses said the attacks took place between 10 to 11 pm Monday night. Another witness says he suspect that over 40 students must have been killed.
Rising tensions between Israel and Iran, over Tehran’s nuclear development programme, could drive oil prices over $130 a barrel next year says Goldman Sachs’s chief economist in Moscow at a time when the consensus forecast is for a price decline to $80-$90 because of slowing global growth and the euro crisis.
“Goldman Sachs is bullish on oil, but it will driven by a one-off, not rising demand, by a tightening embargo on Iran that will take more and more oil out of the market,” says Clemens Grafe, Goldman Sachs’ managing director of new market economics in an interview with bne.
Separately, Robert McNally, the former chief energy advisor on US President George W. Bush’s National Security Council, and past advisor to Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney, sees a “dangerous divergence” between market players and policymakers with regard to the risks of a conflict between Israel and Iran.
McNally says the markets appear to assign only a 5 per cent probability to an exclusion in the conflict whereas policymakers, “are more like 50-50 right now.”
Commodity traders complacency is due to the fact that Tehran has walked over so many previous lines drawn in the sand by Israel and American with impunity, says McNally.
“I’ve made my living looking for these divergences between market participants and policymakers,” McNally said in an interview with Renaissance Insights, a publication of Renaissance Capital, the Moscow-based investment bank. “I cannot remember a time in my 20-year career when the gap between Planet Market and Planet Officialdom was so wide.”
Iranian nuclear programme is rapidly approaching a crunch point after which it will disappear into hardened underground bunkers that would be impervious to Israeli missiles, says McNally.
“At some point over the coming months, Israel either must strike or depend on the U.S. to live up to its own pledge not to allow Iran to weaponise its nuclear programme,” says McNally.
Clemens and McNally are talking about two very different scenarios: one a slow-moving internationally-coordinated embargo and the other the outbreak of war. However, both are assuming tensions between Israel and Iran can only increase over the coming months and drive prices of oil up.
Clemens concedes there is still plenty the west can do to prevent a spike in oil prices. “This doesn’t mean the oil price will be $130 even if the problems escalate. There could be an offset if strategic reserves are released in the west or if there is progress in talks and the embargo is not tightened,” says Clemens. “If oil remains over $120 then global growth will slow and this price can’t be maintained.”
Oil producers would not welcome yet more volatility in the market. Typically oil prices spike at the outbreak of hostilities, before falling back if US forces get involved.
Higher oil prices would benefit emerging markets like Russia, Venezuela and Nigeria in the short-term, but if they stay high for any length of time this will exacerbate the global economic recession that will eventually hit oil demand and the capital flows on which emerging markets still depend.
Despite Brent crude standing at around $110 a barrel the deepening recession in Europe has already seen Russia’s economy slow sharply, growing by only 2.8 per cent in annualised terms in August, against a relatively robust 4.4 per cent over the first half of this year.
Like the outline of African map, Nigeria, ‘the giant of Africa’, is today a big question mark. And, indeed, on many major issues of our contemporary world, the current Nigeria’s situation calls to serious question the ability of the country to remain united and develop to be the pride of Africa. One such key issue is the thorny challenge of electoral process to our democratization drive. Since independence, Nigeria has continuously being plagued by elections malpractices, riggings, and a whole lots of elections misconducts. Till date, this problem has not been resolved – in fact, it seems to be growing instead. Yet, enormous efforts were made in vain by government, the legislature, civil society groups, politicians, etc. As we mark our 52th Independence Anniversary, I think it is pertinent to pause and ask, why? Why have we failed to conceive and implement a free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in which the votes count in producing acceptable leadership? Why? Other than putting the entire blame on the ‘greedy politicians’ who are usually accused of turning every elections as a ‘do-or-die affair’ and therefore all is fair, I think if we take a much closer look at the entire electoral process and its administration since 1999, we will be able to see a lot more than politicians to explain our endemic failure in this venture.
Theoretically, democracy is per forcefully about relationships between peoples, instruments, institutions and processes in the conduct of public affairs. Every nation creates its own constitutions and laws, and establishes rules and regulations guiding the operational processes of these relationships – i.e. its democratic practice. Like all democracies, the Nigerian democracy has its key instruments (and other subsidiary instruments), its principal institutions and its people-based and people-led processes. All these are basically expressed through standard electoral procedures, which encompass but not limited to formulation of election laws, the preparation for elections, political parties’ nomination of candidates, the actual voting exercise, the counting of votes, the declaration of results, constitution of Election Tribunals and disposition of elections litigations.
The key Nigerian democratic instrument is the 1999 constitution (as amended) and its principal subsidiary instruments is the Electoral Act (as variously amended). The key institutions of democratic governance are the three arms of government (the legislature, executive and judiciary), with other added major support executive institutions. In this context, the critical support executive institution is the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although listed under the executive arm, INEC is defined by the constitution as Independent, and clearly has sufficient explicit constitutional provisions to reasonably guarantee its independence in the execution of its duties and powers. In fact, constitutionally INEC can be as independent in its operations as the Judiciary if the officers of INEC so choose.
Practically, the central problem of the nation’s electoral challenges can be squarely located in the gaps, omissions, commissions and inexplicable inconsistencies in the operation of these instruments by the institutions and processes meant to regulate and guard the conduct of voting, both at primary and secondary elections. Throughout the process as outlined above, i.e. formulation of election laws, preparation for elections, the actual voting exercise, the counting of votes, the declaration of results, the resort to the Courts for adjudication, the attitude of INEC to the proceedings and the disposition of the Judiciary towards the entire electoral process, in each and every step of the way there are fundamental failings. But to be fair, while the instruments of democratic governance (the Constitution and the Electoral Act) and democratic institution (the legislature) performed relatively well, the hands of our democratic clock is however been drawn backward by another key democratic institution (the judiciary) and the critical support executive institution (INEC). Over the years, we saw how internal inadequacies and expressive political realities inherent in these institutions conspired to record judicial pronouncements on fundamental national cause that are unhelpful to the development, expansion and consolidation of Nigeria’s electoral process and democracy.
For instance, the Nigerian Legislature has made huge progress in legislating on the key electoral instrument, the Electoral Act, to guide and regulate our electoral processes for the entrenchment, enhancement and advancement of our democracy. Given that the vote is the foundation of democracy, these legislations were progressively aimed at ensuring that the vote actually counts. Other than advancing the cause of general elections, amendments were made to enter specific clauses in our Electoral Acts aimed at entrenching internal democracy within our political parties. Our parties are required by law to progressively open up to democratic tenets in all their electoral processes. While INEC is empowered by law to monitor all political party elections to ensure compliance to democratic due process, the courts are given jurisdiction to adjudicate on party issues previously declared no-go-areas as internal party affairs.
However, on many critical instances, both INEC and the courts failed to stand up to their responsibilities in ensuring the provisions of the law in the electoral process. While most times INEC looked the other way on critical matters, the court on its part often decline jurisdiction to make judicial pronouncements on the true letter of the law in critical electoral processes. For example, between 2008 and 2011, in line with its constitutional duties, INEC wrote four letters to the PDP rejecting in which the party conducted its congresses in 8 states of the federation as illegitimate and requested the party to reschedule and re-conduct lawful congresses. PDP ignored INEC and continued with those unlawful EXCOs. Oddly enough, these same EXCOs produced and submitted to the same INEC candidates for elective offices and INEC accepted and filled in these candidates for the general elections of 2011. The same epicycle is repeating itself. Since the PDP Congresses and convention in March this year, INEC has again written three letters to the PDP National Working Committee rejecting the EXCOs of the party in 9 states and advising the governing party to reschedule and re-conduct congresses, but the party has again so far ignored these letters. It is left for all to see what INEC will do this time again.
The Court on its part severally declined jurisdiction on fundamental electoral cases even where it is clear that the courts have jurisdiction; or in some cases give illogical and contradictory judgments that only help to further create serious inconsistencies and confusions into the process. Admirably, while the legislature is trying to advance our electoral process, regrettably INEC and the courts are drawing us back. In many instances, the actions or in-actions of the latter gave audacity to dishonest politicians and political parties to circumvent and undermine the electoral process to the detriment of our democracy and national cohesion. In the final analysis, therefore, these actions and inactions on the part of INEC and the Judiciary have ruined rather than advance our electoral processes, and the course of democracy and democratic rule in Nigeria. This is the central origin to the near total collapse of credible electoral process in our current democratic dispensation, with the consequent erosion of internal democracy within our political party structures.
It is therefore a matter of urgency that Nigerians of good standing come together and arrest the drift before it is too late. Attaining this noble goal for our national politics requires men of courage, honesty and patriotism take serious interest in our electoral processes. Often, Nigerians become keenly interested only in the election proper. This is wrong. The processes leading to the elections are as important as the elections themselves. To this end, Nigerians should be fully involved in the formulation of the election legal instrument. Also, very importantly, close scrutiny and pressure must be put on INEC to ensure that it acts responsibly in all its duties and functions. The Commission must make all its preparatory actions and plans for all elections transparent, and must explain to Nigerians clearly the processes employed to monitor elections within political parties and the manner and method of conducting general elections.
Obama leads Republican challenger Mitt Romney by 49% to 45% among likely voters, thanks largely to a 56%-38% lead among women.
Voters also believe — overwhelmingly — that Obama will win the upcoming set of three debates, Quinnipiac reports, by a margin of 54%-28%.
Obama and Romney have their first face-to-face meeting tomorrow night in Denver.
Some good news for Romney in the Quinnipiac survey: He has a slight lead among independent voters, 47%-45%.
Quinnipiac also spotlighted another demographic group: White voters who back Romney by 53%-42%, though that matches Obama performance in the 2008 election.
“President Barack Obama won only about 43% of the white vote in 2008, so his current standing among whites tracks his earlier winning performance,” said Peter A. Brown, assistant director of the Quinnipiac University Polling Institute. “If the president can match or exceed his 2008 showing among whites it will be difficult to impossible for Romney to win.”
Obama has made women a key part of his political coalition, emphasizing issues ranging from abortion rights to pay equity to health coverage for contraception; this new Quinnipiac poll bolsters that strategy.
Brown added: “It is also very difficult to win an election when you are getting shellacked among women, the group that makes up about half the electorate.”
Relief materials being taken by canoe to some affected communities in Edo State
Edo state government has begun the distribution of relief materials to victims of the flood disaster which sacked over thirty communities in three local government areas of the state.
The distribution of the relief materials is in fulfillment of the promise made by Governor Adams Oshiomhole during his inspection of the affected communities to immediately release funds to take care of the urgent needs of the victims.
While distributing the materials, weekend, Chairman of the Relief Committee working in conjunction with the State Emergency Relief Agency, Hajia Maimuna Momodu, said the relief materials were palliative measures to soothe the pains of the victims and take care of their immediate needs.
She said the materials will be evenly distributed to all the victims across the affected communities, while she appealed to the Federal Government to come to the immediate aid of the victims. She also assured that the state government would liaise with the Federal Government with a view to finding a lasting solution to the flooding problem.
The relief materials distributed to the victims include mattresses, blankets, clothing, various food items, toiletries, beverages and drugs which were administered to those who need them by doctors and nurses on ground.
The Local Governments affected by the flood in the state include Etsako Central, Etsako East and Esan South East Local Government Areas.
Speaker of Nigeria’s House of Representatives, Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal, and the Deputy Speaker, Sir Emeka Ihedioha, are paid an outrageous N1.4 billion (about $9 million) yearly as “quarterly allowance,” it has been alleged.
The allegation is contained in an open letter addressed to Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Finance Minister & Coordinating Minister of the Economy, by the International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety).
The letter, a copy of which was sent to News Express, was dated September 30 and entitled “Nigeria Desperately Needs Another Iweala Magic As She Celebrates Huge Public Debts Of Approximately $100 billion (N15 trillion), Outrageous Recurrent Expenditures, Corruption And Underdevelopment At 52: A Document For Records & Socio-economic Revolution.”
In the letter by the Onitsha, Anambra State-based NGO, the Chairman, Board of Trustees, Comrade Emeka Umeagbalasi, and Head, Publicity Desk, Comrade Justus Ijeoma, lamented that “Nigeria, again, is a leading global indebted country and has gone back to the highly indebted poor country status (HIPC) which she exited via ‘Iweala Magic’ in 2006; that the country’s current total public debts are approximated at $100 billion or N15.5 trillion.”
Intersociety identified the outrageous emoluments of Nigeria’s public officers as a big factor in the heavy debt profile and the country’s economic travails.
Said the group: “It may be correct to say that the Speaker of the House of Reps and the Deputy Speaker are paid N1.4 billion yearly as “quarterly allowance”. The various standing committees and other principal leaderships in the Senate and the House of Reps may be collecting approximately N12 billion per annum as quarterly allowance on average of N200 million each per quarter. There may be over 60 standing committees and leaderships in the two houses. In all, there may be extra N60 billion spent annually on the 469 federal lawmakers and their leaderships in the form of “quarterly allowances”. This huge sum is totally unknown to the Salaries & Allowances amended Act of 2008. Further breakdown shows that the 360 members of the House of Reps are paid extra N38.88billion annually (N27 million each). The 109 Senators are paid N16.7 billion (N38 million each). The sum of about N3 billion goes to the Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the House of Reps, while N12 billion goes to their standing committees and others.”
Intersociety observed that “the federal executive arm is also not left out in this official thievery legitimatised through criminal appropriations,” adding: “It may be correct to say that the origin of the so-called ‘constituency projects’ of N100 billion in the federal budget initiated by the federal lawmakers is traced to the so-called ‘presidential safety net’ of N100 billion reportedly initiated by the federal executives, which has remained fiscally inexplicable to Nigerians for years. The conspiracy of the highest order between the federal lawmakers and the executives in this respect abounds. It may most likely be correct to say that two sets of salaries and allowances codes clearly exist in Nigeria today; the ones contained in the 2008 amended Salaries & Allowances Act and ones smuggled into the Appropriation Acts. It is no longer news that a Nigerian Federal lawmaker earns much more than each of the leaders of US, UK, Japan, France, South Africa, Germany, Belgium, South Korea, Russia, Portugal, the Council of Europe, Austria, Denmark and Mexico. In spite of these outrageous earnings and official thievery, Nigeria’s federal lawmakers’ legislative performance index is one of the lowest in the world. Their oversight duties, which are lowest in the standard legislative duties’ calendar globally, have taken over their core legislative duties because of their reported juicy nature. They no longer legislate for social change and welfare of the society but for their private pockets.”
Intersociety made wide-ranging observations and demands, among them:
Amendment of all existing Acts of the Federation as they concern allowances paid to 17,500 top Nigeria’s public officers and other senior public /civil servants from level 13 and above, with a view to cutting down their allowances by 60% for 17,500 top public officers and 40% for other senior public/civil servants. One of those Acts to be amended is the Salaries & Allowances for Top Public Office Holders Act of 2002 as amended (2008). For instance, our express calculation is that if the N550billion spent annually on 12,788 LGAs top officers’ allowances is cut by 60%, then N330billion will be saved and channeled into capital development. Also all duplicated allowances like “furniture allowance” and “accommodation allowance” contained in the federal lawmakers’ allowances should be identified and deleted alongside those considered irrelevant and utterly wasteful.
Abolition of quarterly allowances to the federal and State lawmakers and their executive counterparts (if any), under whatever names called and reduction of those allowances spent quarterly on the offices of the Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the House of Reps and their standing committees, etc by 60%. This should also be extended to State Assemblies and members of the Federal and State Executive Councils including president, vice president, governors and deputy governors.
Strict adherence to the provisions of the Salaries & Allowances for Top Public Office Holders Act 2008 (amended) and abolition of dual allowances provided under whatever names called in the appropriation Acts, etc.
Discontinuation of indiscriminate and outrageous hikes in the appropriation bills of the Federation especially by the National Assembly and MDAs and strict scrutiny of budget proposals of the National Assembly, especially its recurrent and overhead costs.
Reversion of the Federal Appropriation Bills to 60% for capital development, 40% for recurrent expenditures including 5% for debt servicing.
Under recurrent expenditures: reduction of all overheads by 40% including the security votes and other relevant overheads of the presidency, the governors and leaderships of the federal and State legislative chambers.
Cutting down the overhead and personnel spending on defence and increasing its capital spending for renovation of barracks, construction of new ones, procurement of security vehicles and modern policing tools and building of security intelligence universities. Also, the planned recruitment of 280,000 more persons into the NPF should be put on hold and serving ones re-trained on modern and scientific policing. A situation where the huge sum of N921billion (2012 defence budget) is spent to track down young physicists from some northern universities and polytechnics who make and use local explosive devices made and corked in used “coca cola and fanta” cans, with Libyan and Somalia-bound AK-47s, speaks volume of political leaders in Nigeria replicating “blood diamond” saga in Sierra Leone and Liberia, akin to merchants of death.
Placing a national moratorium on local and foreign borrowings and proactive management (repayment and reduction) by federal and State governments of the existing debts.
Merging federal ministries, parastatals and departments and cutting down the number of ministers and special advisers as well as reducing the present number of inferior public aides (approximately 24,165) in Nigeria by 60%. Huge expenditures associated with official foreign travels by the executives and the legislators in the country should be drastically cut down.
10. Exposing Nigeria’s enormous investment potentials to the outside world, not by globetrotting, but by addressing frontally problems of insecurity, awkward trade policy/legislation, and corruption and epileptic power failure.
11. Abolishing from the Appropriation Acts the so-called constituency projects that engulf N100billion annually and removing the so-called “presidential safety Net” if still found that also consumes N100billion annually.
12. Ensuring that the DMO keeps to its recent public promise of releasing the domestic debts profiles of the 36 States and the FCT by the end of October 2012, which have for years been shrouded in uttermost secrecy.
13. Amending the EFCC and the ICPC acts of the Federation to provide for stiffer sanctions especially to provide for longer years of jail sentence. A situation whereby an embezzler of N50billion is sentenced for six months imprisonment whereas a stealer of bush meat is sent to five years jail term is socially abominable and globally abhorrent.
14. Making the Chapter Two of the Constitution legally actionable or as “Fundamental Human Rights”.
15. Passing the Social Security Bill into law and ensuring that it is fully implemented.
Granting full autonomy to the Nigerian Local Government System and abolishing the so-called “States and Local Government Joint Accounts”.
