Two Iranian warships docked in Port Sudan on Saturday, a witness said, marking the second port call by the Iranian navy in Sudan in five weeks.
The Iranian navy said the 1,400 ton frigate Jamaran and the 4,700 ton support ship Bushehr “docked in Port Sudan, after successfully carrying out their assignments in the Red Sea and were greeted by high-ranking Sudanese naval commanders.”
It did not say how long the warships would stay in port.
Khartoum said it was a “normal” port call but Israeli officials have expressed concern about arms smuggling through Sudan.
They have long accused the African country of serving as a base of support for militants from the Palestinian Islamist movement Hamas which rules the Gaza Strip.
Sudanese army spokesman Sawarmi Khaled Saad had initially announced the warship visit for November 30.
“It is part of diplomatic and military exchanges between the two countries,” and will last for three days, he told reporters on Friday night.
A pair of Iranian navy vessels, the supply ship Kharg and corvette Admiral Naghdi, spent about two days at Port Sudan in late October.
The port call was accompanied by Sudanese press criticism of Saudi Arabia which lies across the Red Sea and has had tense relations with Iran for years.
Sudan’s links with Iran have come under scrutiny after Khartoum accused Israel of an October 23 strike against the Yarmouk military factory in the capital, which led to speculation that Iranian weapons were stored or manufactured there.
Israel refused all comment on Sudan’s accusation about the factory blast.
But a top Israeli defence official, Amos Gilad, said Sudan “serves as a route for the transfer, via Egyptian territory, of Iranian weapons to Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists.”
Eight days of fighting between Israel and Hamas ended on November 21 with an Egyptian-mediated truce after 174 Palestinians and six Israelis were killed.
The Jewish state has accused Iran of supplying Hamas with its Fajr 5 missile, used to target Tel Aviv during the conflict.
Khartoum said Israel was spreading “fabricated information” about links between the Yarmouk military factory, Hamas and Iran.
Sudan’s foreign ministry denied Iran had any involvement in the plant.
On Tuesday, Foreign Minister Ali Karti said Sudan welcomes the navies of any country, “except Israel.”
A Pakistani frigate visited Port Sudan in late November.
The last of the bomb blast that struck the military base at Jaji may have not been heard. This is as reports reaching 247ureports.com indicate that the Southern Kaduna Indigenes Progressive Forum [SKIPFO] lambasted the Islamic based group, Jama’atu Nasril Islam [JNI] over their accusation of the Nigeria Army authority of religious bias – over its removal of Air Vice – Marshal Abdukadir Kure as Commandant of Armed Forces Command and Staff College [AFCSC] and Maj Gen Mohammed Danhane Isa as Commander Infantry Corps Jaji, – following the embarrassing suicide attack on a church inside the military barrack – that killed 15 worshipers.
In a press statement released by the chairperson of the group, Major George Asake [rtd], stated that “SKIPFO is miffed by the unguarded and inflammatory statement made by Dr Khalid Abubakar Aliyu on behalf JNI to the effect that the redeployment from command of both Air Vice – Marshal Kure and Maj Gen Isa as Commander Infantry Corps both located in Jaji Kaduna is tinged with religious bias.
“We have followed with keen interest the several statements that have continuously been flowing from the JNI, signed by their Secretary General Dr Khalid Aliyu, since the advent of the Boko Haram scourge which has become a national disgrace and nightmare.
“ While the JNI and Islamic leaders have consistently denied Boko Haram’s activities as Islamic, they have all the same always come out firing from all cylinders at every individual or group who calls for the declaration of Boko Haram as a terrorist group. And now it is the turn of the JNI to even go further and impugned that the military which is one of the few institution (if not the only institution) in the country that still maintains a semblance of credibility and religious balance and harmony. Where was Dr Khalid Aliyu and his JNI when : –
“Two detained Boko Haram terrorists under tight military custody in Shadawanka Barracks Bauchi were allowed to escape by a Muslim soldier under the command of Brig Gen ML Raji who is a known fanatical Muslim, yet the Christians never raised any dust on religious bias but allowed the military to handle the case through Military Court Martial where the senior officer and other culprits got fair treatment and justice?
“When Boko Haram attacked the Headquarters of 1 Mechanised Division under the command of Maj Gen Joseph Shoboiki as General Officer Commanding ( GOC ) and a Christian, the Army authority under Lt Gen Ihejerika as Chief of Army Staff and a Christian too, promptly redeployed Gen Shoboiki to Defence Headquarters as a Director and replaced him with Maj General Garba Ayodeji Wahab, a Muslim far junior to the former. Neither CAN nor Christians protested.
“It will interest the JNI and their mouthpiece Dr Khalid Abubakar Aliyu to know that the present COAS and the Chief of Air Staff ( CAS ) are all Christians and this is besides the President , Commander in Chief ( C- I- C ) of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria President Goodluck Jonathan who is also a Christian. Yet, they posted the GOC I Mechanised Division Kaduna, Air Officer Commanding (AOC ) Nigerian Airforce Training Command Kaduna , Commandant AFCSC Jaji, Corps Commander Infantry Jaji, Commandant Depot NA Zaria all Muslims without a whimper from any Christian quarters. This is because Christians believe that these gentlemen officers though Muslims will be true to their oath and allegiance to their fatherland besides living up to the expectations of the tenets of their faith.
“Despite the atrocities and glaring bias of Maj Gen Saleh Maina as GOC 3 Armoured Division Nigerian Army and the outcry by all and sundry for his removal he was retained by Lt Gen AB Danbazzau in that capacity and the JNI saw nothing wrong in that. Many innocent lives of innocent and peace loving Christians were lost to the applause of JNI we suppose. We believe Gen Danbazzau was not taking dictation from outside why should it be otherwise now?
“ Quite contrary to whatever propaganda JNI might have been fed with, Maj Gen MD Isa most especially was the cantonment Commander in Jaji and the puerile and false allegation of bringing in Maj Gen KC Osuji as NASI Commandant, Maj Gen JS Zaruwa , the Peace Keeping Commandant and Brig Gen Ekagu the Commandant Warrant Officers Academy ( all are training institutions with NASI and WOs Academy under the same Maj Gen Isa ) as those not affected by the redeployment is a figment of the imagination of JNI and its collaborators. In fact, these training institutions have no troops under their command but the Infantry Corps Commander has a combat Infantry Battalion under him who serves as both a Demonstration unit also well as a feed mill to other military establishment under in Jaji..
“ The removal of the two Commandants is perfectly in order and in line with military tradition as allowing those senior officers to remain in their various offices might open the floodgate for unnecessary interference with investigations. Moreover, it is a known fact that Maj Gen MD Isa has completed the required 35 years of service since June 2011 , he has also overstayed his tour of duty of 2 years as Commander Infantry Corps. Infact, we have it on authority that both Christians and Muslims officers and soldiers of the Infantry Corps rolled out their drums in celebration of this long awaited removal – a clear sign of a bad Commander..
“Bringing in the case of non-removal of Gen MA Nasamu Commander Army Headquarters Garrison ( AHQ Gar ) over the Christmas eve Mogadishu cantonment’s Mammy market bombing of 24 th December, 2010 is myopic and lacks substance.
“This is because JNI never called for the removal of the Commanders of Shadawanka Barracks in Bauchi, Airforce Base Kaduna, over Boko Haram’s bombing there and, in fact IGP Hafiz Ringim over the bombing of the Police Force Headquarters on 16th June, 2011.
“ When twice dismissed CP Zakari Biu allowed Kabiru Sokoto to escape in Abaji , JNI was bitter over his dismissal but will recall that neither CAN nor any Christian protested based on religious ground. Rather, the law was allowed to take its due cause.
“ Finally, we are saddened by the gross disregard and insensitivity of JNI on the lives lost and those wounded and this is besides the destruction to property over the St Andrews Protestant church bombing carried out by misguided Muslims coming from the JNI ranks but clearly voiced out their preference for those two officers who are neither killed nor dismissed from service but redeployed from their former positions for dereliction of duty thereby causing loss of lives to innocent Christians who were worshiping their true living God in the Church. Admiral Saad Ola Ibrahim who is the Chief of Defence Staff ( CDS ) and a true Muslim announced these two officers removal and by implication, the JNI is telling the world that he is acting a Christian script and is therefore not a member of the Muslim fold?
“ SKIPFO would have stood and will stand by any Muslim (s) innocently killed by any Christian or group as our Christian faith abhors the shedding of innocent blood. Let us all know that we shall be accountable to God on judgment day and should therefore live above petty mindedness in the name of whatever religion”
At a time when the Will of the late Biafran leader, Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, is generating controversy, a Portuguese pilot, who flew Biafran war planes during the civil war, has given insight into the air strikes that characterised the war.
According to Mr. Artur Alves, who interacted with Saturday Sun on the Internet, Biafran soldiers converted modified the B26 plane to suit their purpose during the war.
The war pilot, who is based abroad, spoke on this and others.
Could you tell us how you were contacted to work for Biafra?
After I ended my commission with the Portuguese Air Force I got a job working in Angola flying a Piper Aztec to a big coffee corporation and an ex-camaraderie and good friend Capt Gil Pinto de Sousa invited me to join and organise a squadron of Harvard T6G that we would have to fly into Biafra and operate in combat missions. Capt Pinto de Sousa was also an ex-Biafran Air Force pilot. He was contracted to fly a B25 Mitchel, which was destroyed in an accident in Port Harcourt. Landlocked from the early 1968, Biafra was fighting for their very existence, a fight against starvation and a well-armed enemy.
How did you fly the aircraft to Biafra and from where?
Due to diplomatic reasons, we had to dismount and mount again the aircraft in Bissau, Portuguese Guinea at the time. They went by ship and the Portuguese Air Force in Bissau did a great job mounting the aircraft very fast. We had six T6G ready and we were only three pilots. The flight from Bissau to Abidjan was also very complicated. The British Foreign Affairs had a long and powerful arm and convinced the Portuguese government not to authorise Portuguese pilots to fly the aircraft out of Bissau, but we were veterans of the air force and we had a plan. We convinced the Bissau Air Base Commander to let us rob the planes during the night and take them to Abidjan. That was what we did. The flight was in the limits and we carried also an extra tank in the back seat. The fuel smell was intense and I had no courage to light up a cigarette. We had to land before Abidjan in Sassandra, as was already fixed. We had no problems in Sassandra and we continued the flight to Abidjan.
In Bissau, one of the pilots decided not to continue and in Abidjan we had the same problem. But we welcome a new one, José Pignattely, also a veteran from the Portuguese Air Force. Gil Pinto de Sousa returned to Bissau and flew another plane to Abidjan. We had four planes in Abidjan and we were three pilots. Me, Gil and Pignattely. From Abidjan, we had the last leg to fly to Uli. We had decided to be airborne in order to land in Uli by dusk. During the inbound flight, Gil lost the radio and beacon system and in the dark he got lost and didn’t find the course to Uli and had to bailout in enemy territory. He was arrested for five years in Lagos. I landed in Uli and a little later Pignattely did the same. Next day, we took the planes to Uga, an airstrip in Akokwa.
How was it like being in Biafra at the time of the conflict?
I was living with Pignatettely and two Portuguese engineers, in a good house in Akokwa. We had a chef and a guard that was also the driver of our old Peugeot 403. Johny Chukwukadibie was the liaison officer with the headquarters. Everything was camouflaged and we had also a bunker to protect ourselves of the Nigerians air raids. The food had little variety, always chicken, cassava and sweet potatoes. Not bad, considering the situation.
How did you see the behaviour of the Igbo?
Well, on May the 30, 1967, was read the declaration for the creation of the Republic of Biafra. Due to the genocide murder of Eastern Nigerians, civilians, they had to seek a safe place to live; so, they declared independence. The civil war was declared by Nigeria and had the world powers, British and Russians on her side. Some say two million people, mostly Igbo lost their lives. Four countries recognised our independence and others, like Portugal and France, had a very important role in supporting Biafra.
Do you think the Declaration of a sovereign state of Biafra by Ojukwu needful at the time?
Well, I was saying, two million people, mostly Igbo, lost their lives. The world recoiled in horror as images reached news network. It was genocide, no more no less, genocide. For me, Emeka Ojukwu was a legendary freedom fighter. He did the right thing. With very little outside support the Biafrans put up a fierce resistance that lasted for 30 months before collapsing in January 10, 1970. I have with me the Ahiria declaration, still regarded by some as a possible blue print for every modern African country. He will never be forgotten; believe me.
Can you remember war songs that Biafrans soldiers sang to ginger themselves on?
I remember the songs, usually war songs. Near Christmas in 1969, I was only with one T6G operational; Pignatelly went to Abidjan to bring the other one we left there. Gen Godwin Ezeillo sent for me. Federal troops, more than one division and heavily armed, were about to cross the Imo River and Owerri will be in danger. We had to try to stop them. To attack a concentration of troops with a single airplane was not an easy task. I knew they were south of the river but not their exact position. I did the approach early in the morning leaving the River in my right wing, flying 500 feet above the ground and nobody opened fire against me. I made a large turn by the left, over flying our Army and made another approach to the river. This time, they started shooting from the south side of the river, thousand of tracers were flying in my direction, but now I knew where my target was. I just dive to the target, gaining speed. I heard some lucky shots hitting the airplane and as close as I was to the ground I was able to see trucks and armoured cars below the trees and plenty soldiers running around, looking for cover. I fired every thing I had and escape at a very low altitude to our side, that I overflew again, waving good-bye to our Army.
In the other day, lunch time, Johny Chukwukadibie came to my place with a young Captain that was in the frontline during the attack at the Imo River. He said the attack was terrific and a success. They heard the federal troops weeping a lot on the radio. Next day, we went with him to frontline to cheer up his men. It was here, near the enemy line, in the Imo River that I heard war songs from the Biafran soldiers.
What about the Port Harcourt attack in 1969?
I still remember this very well. It was my 5th mission and we had been expecting anxiously information that MIGs landed and parked in Port Harcourt. I was with Pignattely flying the T6s. We got the order in the afternoon before and at sun rise the airplanes were fully armed with the usual four machine guns and 12, 68mm rockets. There was some light fog touching the ground when we were airborne. There were no reports of MIGs in the air. We knew that we were going to face the strongest anti-aircraft fire, south of Ecuador. The surprise factor was essential and will be a hit and run attack. We only could afford one pass. I was flying a little higher than Pignattely that was at treetop level. Flying higher, I was safer from the light machine guns because my plane was far and more difficult to be hit. I had better visibility ahead and I was able to gain speed during the dive to the target. This was the strategy used by us before.
Port Harcourt was very close and we were approaching the air base with the very shy sun in our back. I saw the huge runway, four MIGs in the parking area, the terminal, hangars, control tower and another plane also parked near the terminal. I shouted to Pignattely, ‘MIGs in the tarmac’ and I started the diving to the target. At this time, tracers and explosions were every where. By instinct, I curled up inside the cockpit, full boost in the engine, nose down gaining speed, MIGs well centred, wings levelled and I start firing the rockets and machine guns burst at the same time. I was seeing my rockets hit around the parked MIGs. It seems nothing was happening and suddenly flames and black smoke erupted from the aircraft. I made the flight straight ahead to the sea, took a better sitting position, reduced the boost of the aircraft and looked back to Port Harcourt and behind me trying to spot Pignatelly. Port Harcourt was on fire and smoke and the Pignatelly T6 was surrounded by anti-aircraft explosions. I thought to my self he was in deep trouble. It was time to relax and return. I did a long turn by sea, eyes wide open looking for MIGs in the sky; did the course inbound by the Niger Delta, followed the river for a while ad landed in Uga. Pignattely airplane was already landed and camouflaged. Result, three MIGs destroyed, a four-engine aircraft also damaged, including fuel station, terminal building and control tower.
Two or three months ago, I received via Facebook a very interesting article from a veteran Russian pilot in Afghanistan. The article was from a Veteran Russia Air Force Magazine and was about the MIG17 in the Nigeria-Biafra war. These MIG17 in Port Harcourt were flown by British pilots and confirmed the destruction of two and severely damaged of other one. The fourth in line was not a MIG-17 but a Ylushin that was also hit. They decided to paint the MIGs in camouflaged colours and build defensive rackets to protect the planes on ground. There is also a book named Shadows, by Michel I. Drapper, with very interesting articles, real ones, about the air war and airlift in Biafra from 1967/1970.
What does a Biafran airstrip look like and what were the dangers of flying?
The Biafran airstrips were not new to me. Comparing with the Minicons I needed more length for take off and land with the T6Gs. Uga was an ex-asphalt road in pretty good conditions. We had lights, goose necks, for landing at night. We also had a bush in the top of the runway, where we hide the planes. The danger of flying was like David against Golias. The planes were old but well restored to flight conditions. We made the test-flights in Portugal and later in Bissau. We all had large experience in Africa and the big problem were the radio and navigation aids, starting with a simple compass. When we started the operations, our primary targets were federal troop concentration in the northern front, north of Onitsha road and the southern front, south of Owerri and in support of Biafran Army. Air bases and oil installations also become the focus of several attacks. But we were always expecting information from our Army Intelligence in order to know for sure where the MIG17 were. We could reach them in Port Harcourt, Benin and Enugu. Lagos was out of range and also Kano.
When did you leave Biafra and how?
Gen Godwin Ezeillo visited me after lunch time in January 8, 1970 and very quietly announced the imminent departure of our Biafran leader and said that was the right time for me to leave Biafra as well. There was a government flight to Sao Tome at night and a place for me was arranged. I was at the time with the other Igbo pilots and we tried to reach Uli but gave up. The road was so overcrowded that we decided to turn back and prepare the only operational T6 to escape early in the morning to Libreville. I had the black seat available and the other pilots decided that Larry Obiechi was the guy to escape with me. Larry was not Igbo, so they decided it was not safe for him to stay. The others were willing to remain inside Biafra and take a chance on being captured by federal forces. We were airborne very early with the tanks full. We made a fantastic flight to Libreville, Gabon, keeping the shoreline always in sight. After we landed in Libreville, we were very welcomed, but I had with me a very dip sense of loss.
What do you think of Nigeria today?
Living outside I’m used only to bad news from Nigeria, about old politicians and corruption. They must bury their heads in shame and allow the younger generation to take the driver’s seat. For example: they created Boko Haram and now the same people want to sit down and found solutions to the problem. Who gives a damn for what they think? They should quietly retire to their homes and wait for their turn to die giving a chance to a younger generation to take the leadership. I would love to have written something like this, but I didn’t. I want to live to hug all my mates in Biafra Air Force wishing they are in good health and I pray to God to take care of them. Rest in peace Ibi Brown and Alex Agbafuna, killed in combat fighting for his people. Thanks Gil Pinto de Sousa for the five years you gave, for supporting a cause in which you believe. My thanks to Sammy, Willy Bruce, August Opke and Larry Obiechi for the support you gave me in the last days of our dream.
During the Nigerian war, there was the feat of converting the B26 aircraft into a fighter jet or bomber. Were you part of this feat?
I did not fly the B26
How were you able to manipulate the aircraft, knowing that it wasn’t originally meant for what it was converted to?
In October 1967, we had two B25 Mitchel in Port Harcourt and both were effectively lost during one night sortie some two months later. The B26 started service at the end of June 1967 and was in Enugu for repainting, in camouflage colours. The Biafran national flag was on both sides of the rudder. At the same time of repainting our mechanics began to install rather crude weapons. They modified the nose cone of the aircraft and mounted a single tripod-mounted machine gun inside. The gun was never linked to the electrical wiring system and was operated blindly by the pilot and the gunner.
We operated it thus: One tug meant start fire. Two tugs meant stop. Another gun was fitted to the rear of the bomb bay, which fired downwards through open bay-bomb doors.
What was your relationship with air force officers, like Gibson Nwosu and the late Chudi Sokei?
I only remember Gen Godwin Ezeilo, my Biafran Air Force Commander. After the war, he was with Capt Manuel Reis, Biafran Airlift Capt in Angola. We have been together a few times.
The prevailing peace in the Nnamdi Azikiwe University is currently being threatened by the preparations ahead the Students Union Government (SUG) election scheduled for Wednesday, Dec 12, 2012.
But the Vice Chancellor, Prof Boniface Egboka has urged the students to calm down, eschew violence, embrace peace and close ranks in the interest of the general progress and development of the university.
He also washed his hands off whatever that was going on in the campaigns, screenings and the election itself, noting that he has remained an apostle of democracy and its principles in every aspect of the university administration and human relationship.
A section of the students under the aegis of The Concerned Students of UNIZIK led by one Emmanuel Chidebe had written a petition, copy of which was made available to journalists, alleging that one of the favorite candidates for the students union presidency, Mr Christian Bond Osadebe, a 300 Level student of Civil Engineering was surreptitiously disqualified to pave way for another who was said to have been more favored by the university’s management.
It was also alleged that ahead of the screening of the candidates on Dec 5, 2012 by the Security Dept of the university, that Osadebe was abducted to far location outside the university neighbourhood by unknown persons apparently to pave way for the other less fancied candidates.
When news of his abduction spread, the screening was put on hold and on his release hey was screened and disqualified. This incensed other students who threatened to go un violent demonstration immediately. The concerned students saw his travails as barefaced intimidation, arm-twisting and unprovoked harassment aimed at paving way for his less-fancied opponent to coast home to an undeserved victory.
It took the intervention of a former Director of Socials/Welfare of the SUG, Mr Kpakpando Nwazota to calm the situation down. The students had insisted that it was injustice to disqualify “the most qualified candidate without any cogent reason”. They therefore appealed to all stakeholders, including the Vice chancellor, the Governing Council, Minister of Education, the presidency and rights groups to intervene in the matter before it snowballs out of proportion.
When contacted, Osadebe said he only wants justice and fairness to be allowed to prevail. He urged the authorities to give him and other interested candidates a level playground for the election, pledging to give maximum cooperation to whoever defeats him.
It could be remembered that Senator Uche Chukwumerije commended the VC for transparency and democratic principles in his administration, when the senate committee on education visited the university recently.
Mother of the Minister of Finance, Dr. Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo Iweala was on Sunday abducted from the palace of the traditional ruler of Ogwashi-uku, Delta State, Obi (Prof.) Chukwuka Okonjo.
Professor Kanene Okonjo, 82 years old, the queen mother of Ogwashi uku was abducted at about 1:47PM by a gang of armed men who seized her at the gate of the palace at Ogbe-ofu and took her away, when the husband travelled out of the town.
However, the police have arrested a man who allegedly left the compound few minutes before the incident took place.
The man was said to have informed the housemaid that he was in the palace to take the queen mother to somewhere in the town.
The kidnappers numbering about 10 were lurking around the palace until the woman and her maid came down to serve workers at the gate soft drinks.
Eye witness account said as soon as the woman came down from the main building, towards the gate, the criminals also moved in from the gate to grab and push her into a waiting Golf Volkswagen car.
“The abductors when they walked into the compound were heavily armed. They were about ten. They bailed up the men fixing the interlocking tiles and asked them to lay face down. Immediately they saw her (the King’s wife who was coming towards the gate with her maid to serve the workers soft drinks) they bundled her into a waiting vehicle the Golf car while another car was parked outside”.
One of them, bracing all odds, went upstairs to collect the woman’s handbag. The eyewitness said another maid who sighted the kidnapper upstairs hid herself in the Kitchen.
Greetings in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and I hope this letter meets you well. The reasons I choose to direct this letter to you are that I am a Catholic and you are an old boy of my alma mater, St. Gregory’s College, Lagos.
I write from Kuje Prison Abuja where two other Catholics and I have been languishing in solitary confinement for 2 years on trumped-up charges relating to the October 1, 2010 bomb attack claimed by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND).
My name is Charles Tonbra Okah, aka Billy Bones. On October 16, 2010 operatives of the State Security Services on a warrant invaded my residence in Apapa GRA claiming that I was the suspected spokesman for MEND using the pseudonym “Jomo Gbomo.” My eldest son, visiting from the United States where he attends the University of Kansas (KU) was also arrested.
At the SSS Headquarters Abuja where we were flown blindfolded with our legs and hands bound, my ‘cooperation’ was solicited for something completely different to my surprise. My captors threw me a lifeline; offering me freedom and a lucrative contract in exchange for false testimony against my younger brother Henry, who is resident in South Africa. I was to write a false statement claiming to have been told by Henry about the bomb plot and naming the following persons as his conspirators: Former Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, Chief Raymond Dokpesi, Mallam Nasir El Rufai, Chief Timipre Sylva, and Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan. I bluntly refused.
To maintain pressure on me, I was told that my son would be implicated in the bomb matter, my containers of legitimate imports then at the Tin Can Port would be impounded and my business destroyed. I still did not budge, tossing their lifeline back with royal disdain.
When they realized I was not going to connive in their scheme, they became formal and reverted to the main reason for my arrest. I was asked for the MEND password, which I told them I did not know. They bound me in a chair, took off my trousers and clamped a device to my penis. My legs were then put inside a basin of water. The device when turned on passed a high voltage of electricity to my body and I lost consciousness. This was on Monday October 18 at about 6pm. When I regained consciousness, I discovered I was at the National Hospital emergency room. I remember the doctors asking why I had trauma marks on my chest where the SSS doctor performed Cardio Pulmonary Resuscitation (CPR). The SSS operatives were evasive in answering questions at the hospital. That night I was released and taken to rest for the night at the State House Clinic. That was the last time a torture was carried out on me.
My son was eventually released after Mr. Femi Falana visited in the company of my wife after a month of being denied access to a lawyer. However, my containers have been impounded up to date and my bank account frozen.
The SSS stopped asking about the MEND password after Jomo Gbomo made another statement while I was in their custody but refused to still let me go because I did not cooperate earlier with them. Meanwhile in the ongoing trial in South Africa, the same people who say I am JG also accuse Henry of being the same Jomo Gbomo.
Double Standard in Kuje Prison:
On December 24, 2010 we were remanded in Kuje prison as a result of our application to be removed from the SSS detention cell. Unknown to us, the SSS passed instructions from “above” to the prison authorities to carry out “special treatment” in order to stampede us into a trial towards conviction. For 2 years we have been locked up in solitary confinement, are not allowed to exercise or get sunlight outside and are forced to sleep on the floor when bunk beds are available. Even a court order by Justice Gabriel Kolawole to the prison for a change in our confinement style was ignored after it was superseded by an ‘order from above.”
In late 2011, while locked up inside our cellblock, prison officials clothed in protective apparel, facemasks and gloves carried out fumigation without opening us to wait outside. Our protests fell on deaf ears and by the time they were finished we were in distress. The Youth Corper doctor on call tried her best within her limits to the emergency she was confronted with. The poisonous gas and barbaric action reminiscent of the Nazi concentration camp infamous gas chambers, eventually led to the death of one Francis Osuwo, aka Gboko, also roped into this case by the SSS and a man I have never met before. Interestingly, the four persons in detention were strangers to each other except for one Obi Nwabueze who is a family friend and close associate of Henry.
The fumigant whose chemical constituents were never relayed to us has affected my neurological system and a neurologist of the National Hospital, Professor Bwala, has put me on a daily prescription of strong neurological medication.
While the Boko Haram suspects at Kuje prison are allowed to worship in the prison mosque, we have never set foot in the prison chapel. They are also enjoying privileges such as cable television, radio, liberty to move within the prison walls, bunk beds to sleep on and phone calls to their families. We are denied all of the above.
When I asked the current Controller of FCT Command the reason for the disparity, he said “the fear of Boko Haram is the beginning of wisdom.” He further said the Moslem community was concerned about their welfare in custody.
Double Standard in the Court:
Even in the courts where justice is supposed to be blind, the double standard is glaring. While Senator Ndume, accused of being a financier to Boko Haram was given bail by the same Judge presiding over our case, we have been denied bail.
I understand that this Senator was permitted by the same court to travel on his religious obligation to Mecca for the lesser Hajj while we are refused from attending mass in a chapel less than 50 meters from our cell block.
The court is willing to permit the Senator approval to travel abroad for his medical check if he can provide proof that such check up is not done locally. Meanwhile, I have been denied my application to go on a compulsory checkup, which in my case is mandatory for a kidney donor, having donated my left kidney to my mother 30 years ago.
Our cases have been adjourned repeatedly for cruelly long durations. The last time I appeared in court was March 2012 and the next adjourned date is January 31. 2013, that is if that date will not be shifted again under a flimsy excuse.
All we ask is for a free and fair trial from an independent Judiciary that should release us instead of holding us as scapegoats over an obvious power show. While this government continues holding us hostage, our families are becoming destitute.
Our rights to freely worship as Catholics is being infringed by the state who have more respect for Islam when all religions should be treated equally.
Double Standards in the Polity:
The National Security Adviser, Col Sambo Dasuki (rtd.) was quoted as saying that the government of President Goodluck Jonathan has the phone numbers of suspected Boko Haram sponsors. Later the Inspector General of Police said certain individuals had been put on a “watch list” as suspected Boko Haram sponsors.
Now the big question is why did the government not simply have our phone numbers and put us also on its ‘watch list” while we move about freely? They did not hesitate to arrest us, clamp us on trumped-up charges and detain us on flimsy excuses. They did not merely talk; they took action even in South Africa where my brother was arrested since 2010. Is there a better word to describe this other than hypocrisy?
The same government eager to negotiate with Boko Haram, which claimed responsibility for over 100 attacks where Catholics have suffered the brunt, have refused to negotiate with MEND and continue to delude themselves that all is well.
Why would this government expect Boko Haram to unmask it leaders and negotiate when they can see that perceived leaders and supporters of MEND are being persecuted and jailed?
I welcome a fact-finding visit from the Church in the company of credible Human Rights groups to verify our allegations.
On the two occasions Kuje Prison was visited by the Bishop of Abuja during the Christmas of 2010 and 2011, he was surreptitiously steered away from where were we are held hostage and I believe he has no idea of what is going in inside Kuje prison.
Our prayers is that leaders of our churches will be more sensitive and proactive in politics of the land that touches the lifes of their followers and not leave delicate issues solely in the hands of corrupt and selfish politicians, and majority of the population rid of a “Potiphar” mentality who believe lies when told by SSS.
May God save our beloved country!
Yours Sincerely,
Charles T. Okah
Charles T. Okah
Single Cell Block
Kuje Prison
Abuja, Nigeria.
His Eminence
Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie
c/o Catholic Church Secretariat
Lagos, Nigeria.
November 19, 2012
CC: Pope Benedict, Vatican, Rome
Catholic Bishop of Abuja Diocese, Abuja FCT
“I…was…sick…and in prison, and you visited me.”
-Mathew 25. 35, 36
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the South-West has berated the Osun State Governor, Mr. Rauf Aregbesola over his refusal to pay workers in the state their November salary, nine days after the month ended.
The party which also condemned the wanton destruction of houses in Osogbo, the Osun State capital under the guise of road construction said it was inhuman for government to be demolishing people’s houses without first paying them compensation or providing alternative shelter for them.
In a statement issued today by its Zonal Publicity Secretary, Hon. Kayode Babade, the PDP said it was ungodly for workers to still be waiting for their November salary on the ninth of December, adding that; “it is either Governor Aregbesola is using calendars different from the normal one or Osun workers are already bearing the brunt of the governor and his party, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) political misadventure in Ondo State.”
The PDP urged Governor Aregbesola to pay the workers salary without further delay; saying’ “If he could be paying his wife N18 million public fund per month for food, workers salary should not be delayed for one hour.”
It also accused the governor of indiscriminate demolition of houses in the state, saying; “Responsible governance demands that people be paid compensation before their properties are destroyed by government.
“It was this same Aregbesola that demolished houses in five communities – Ataoja, Iludun, Ofatedo, Okebaale and Costain, only for the government to propose payment of ridiculous compensation to the house owners.
“For instance, owner of a one-bedroom flat were proposed to be paid N1 million, four-bedroom flat N1.5 million and an eight-room bungalow N800,00 until the properties owners protested to the State House of Assembly.
“Even after the protest, nothing was done to assuage the inhuman treatment and we fear owners of properties now being demolished will suffer the same fate.
“It is therefore our appeal that well-meaning Nigerians should appeal Aregbeola to stop his wanton demolition of properties in Osun State pending the payment of compensation to owners of the houses.”
Former president Olusegun Obasanjo’s recent confession (DailyTrust, 13/11/2012) that he could have rigged Malam Ibrahim Shekarau’s election as governor of Kano state in 2003 if he had allowed himself to succumb to pressure was indeed shocking, even though it was not surprising. It was not surprising because this same man had in 2004 narrated a story that clearly hinted, to the amazement of Nigerians, that those entrusted with power actually meddled flagrantly with election results to suit their whims and caprices.
Election rigging is in fact not new in Nigeria. Almost all the general elections conducted before the first military intervention in 1966 triggered off violence because they were suspected to have been rigged by those in power. However, most of the evidence adduced by witnesses at that time were generally doubted, discounted or dismissed even in courts, as no concrete evidence was advanced to prove that rigging took place beyond reasonable doubt.
In 2004 however Obasanjo as president shocked Nigerians when he announced publicly that one of his henchmen, Chris Ubah, while arguing with the then Anambra state governor, Dr. Chris Ngige, had disclosed to his hearing that he (governor) did not win his election but was rigged in by him. However, even though this revelation came from the horse’s mouth some Nigerians doubted its veracity as it was common knowledge that Obasanjo was naturally given to such gaffes and even theatricals.
His recent confession must have cleared all doubts that might still be lingering in the minds of those people. In any case, keen observers of Obasanjo’s eight-year presidency, from 1999-2007, have seen enough evidence to classify it as one of the worst in our history in terms of its failure to adhere to the rule of law. So why should anyone doubt that something like that, outrageous as it was, actually took place?
In fact, cases abound of instances where his government either disobeyed court orders or acted with impunity in contravention of the laws of the land. For that reason, therefore, the only thing that is surprising is that Obasanjo had no qualms about telling the world that elections were rigged in Nigeria and that he could have been pressurized to do so himself.
The question now is, how do we in future ensure that no one in power will ever be in a position to meddle with election results? How can we make the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) truly and permanently independent of the executive?
Without doubt, the woeful failure to conduct free and fair elections since the return of civil rule in 1999, with Obasanjo at the helm of affairs, has been one of the major reasons why democracy has failed to flourish in Nigeria. On the three occasions that the civilian administrations conducted elections, with two done under Obasanjo himself, we have seen how the matter of their credibility has gone from bad to worse.
Even though all the major parties can be accused of being involved in the unfortunate actions that truncated democracy, by engaging in rigging where they could do so, it cannot be denied that the party in power that allegedly influences INEC officials and security agents to do its bidding, is the worst culprit because it is able to commit the offence on a larger scale.
But generally speaking, desperate politicians hankering to assume power in order to control our meager resources have been adept at devising new tactics of rigging that are always worse than previous ones. Hence, rather than give their maximum cooperation for us to conduct better elections by learning from our past mistakes, the politicians are only concerned about winning power by hook or by crook. In the process, they “don’t give a damn” about corrupting the system to achieve their objectives.
For instance, the general elections of 2003 and 2007 were characterized by such common rigging tactics as destruction of ballot papers (belonging to opponents’ supporters), multiple-voting, buying of votes, and snatching of ballot boxes and stuffing them with fake ballot papers. Election officials were also bribed to alter recorded figures at collation centers, while agents of other parties were intimidated and driven away from the centers to enable the riggers to do as they liked. In one case that I remember, a party agent was hacked and killed for refusing to leave a collation center.
The fake ballot papers were printed by non-reputable publishers, as many of them were reported to have been arrested for the offence. Because of that, the ballots were identifiable being of less quality. By and by, however, they assumed superior quality as the desperate riggers tried to make them look as good as the genuine ones.
But by the 2007 general elections and that of last year, the issue of fake ballot papers was taken to the next level. Supporters of the party in power were on the two occasions supplied with genuine ballot papers for them to find means of stuffing the ballot boxes in order to win their respective states.
Whether the genuine extra ballot papers were supplied to those in authority by INEC or obtained fraudulently is not the issue here. The point is that genuine ballot papers were used by those who have abused the privilege of their being in power in order to rig elections.
How can I prove this? Well, where I voted last year I saw with my own eyes some women caught trying to stuff ballot boxes with ballot papers that turned out to be very genuine. These papers were earlier thumb-printed and given to the women to hide in their hijabs beforetheycametocasttheirvotes.
As they bent down to do so, they covered the ballot box with the hijabs and attempted to slot in as many of the already thumb-printed papers hidden in their dresses as they could. Some of them were caught by vigilant party agents and handed over to the police, but that was the end of the matter. None of them was prosecuted, as the politicians who sent them went and freed them.
One other evidence of rigging that I witnessed included clear signs that election officials, high and low, were compromised. How else can you explain the case of party agents, especially those of the ruling party, getting some quantities of the official indelible ink which they rubbed in their hairs and touched frequently in order to deface and invalidate the ballot papers of those who voted for their opponents?
Thousands of such invalidated ballot papers were recorded where I voted, allowing the riggers to win easily. The pathetic thing about it is that when this was brought before it as part of evidence that rigging took place the so-called state election tribunal did not even bother to look at the defaced ballot papers, as apparently they had better papers to look at that were crisp and fresh!
There were also stories of how compromised and partisan election and security officials were used to help the favored party at collation centers. Many of them looked away as figures scored by the parties were increased or decreased as the case may be. Sometimes opponents’ agents were forced to accept bribes or risk bodily harm or even death.
The solution to this elite problem can be found only in the realm of morality. But moralityandpoliticsareincompatible,whichiswhypeoplesaypoliticsisadirtygame. Even as this is a fact, if religious and morally upright people could venture to vie for and win political offices they might be able to make a difference.
As for the need for INEC to be autonomous it is the duty of the honorable members of the National Assembly to tackle the problem now that they are about to amend some contentious provisions of the Nigerian constitution. INEC’s source of funding and appointments of its top functionaries should no longer be the responsibility of the executive but by law a matter to be sanctioned by the legislature.
In this way it will no longer be answerable to one person or influenced to do any unwarranted acts that would favor any party. Also, the commendable idea of using university lecturers as returning officers should be extended by INEC to cover lower election posts by using corps members and idealistic university students, hoping that they would be able to resist being compromised as well.
Until we are able to conduct credible elections in Nigeria that are generally adjudged to be free and fair, no one (much less those who conduct elections by virtue of their being in power) should expect us to be less rancorous after elections. We can only be gallant losers of elections, to the extent that we can congratulate those announced by INEC as winners, if we are convinced that no one abused his office to do any untoward thing to rig the elections.
–
Mohammed wrote in from Hotoro, Kano (aumo21@yahoo.com)
Gov. Obi (second right); Arc. Callistus Ilozumba, Commissioner for Works ( first right); Oseloka Obaze, the SSG( first left), and the representative of TAMAD Construction, Anthony, during the flag-off of three bridges along Atani-Ozubulu road under construction
As if in fulfillment of his vow to turn Anambra State into a huge “construction yard”, Gov. Peter Obi of Anambra State yesterday flagged of three bridges of 60, 45, and 45 meters on Atani-Ozubulu road, vowing to complete them within the life spam of his Government. The flag-off was preceded by the flag-off of many roads in the State as well as many other projects that set the people of the State wondering where he got the money to execute those projects.
Valued at the combined cost of over 2 Billion Naira, the bridges, excluding the 12kilometer roads component, are handled by TAMAD construction firm based on their satisfactory execution of Amansea-Ebenebe Bridge. Already, the Government is constructing the Onitsha-Ogbaru- Akiliozizar-Atani-Ogwuikpere road terminating at Rivers State. The over 60-Km Federal road with difficult terrain is costing the State more than 16 Billion Naira. With the construction of the stretch from Atani to Ozubulu, the entire areas would become accessible.
Speaking at the flag-off, Gov. Obi said that he would continue satisfy the yearnings of the people of the State till the last day of his Government. “We have seen those in authority flag-off many projects even when they did not safe money for their execution, but in our own case, for any project we are flagging of, we have saved money for that”, Obi said.
Speaking, the State Commissioner for Works, Arc Callistus Ilozumba said that the Atani Ozubulu road belonged to class of roads being constructed in difficult places that subsequent Anambra Governments shied away from because of the huge cost implication. “Some of the roads that belong to the same class as this are the Umuoba- Anam-nmiata road, roads in Ayamelum and parts of Anambra West,” the Commissioner submitted.
In his own remarks, a community leader in the area, Chief Michael Okendu said he was short of words to describe what God has done for Anambra State through the Government of Peter Obi. He said that nobody would have thought that Anambra Government would do the road under reference with three bridges. He prayed to God to answer Obi’s prayer that He gives Anambra State a successor better than him or at least as good as he is.
An Egyptian protester holds up a battle of oil and a bag of sugar as he chants against Muslim Brotherhood and Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi outside the presidential palace under a banner with a defaced picture of Mr. Morsi and Arabic that reads “the people want to bring down the regime,” in Cairo, Egypt, Saturday, Dec. 8, 2012.
Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi is preparing to amend a controversial decree in which he assumed sweeping powers, Prime Minister Hisham Qandil said on Saturday.
Mr. Morsi tasked six officials who met on Saturday with elements of the opposition to “modify the constitutional declaration” he issued on November 22, Mr. Qandil said on the private Al-Mihwar television channel.
The officials, among them politicians and members of the judiciary, “met to draft a new text [decree] and could finalize it late on Saturday or on Sunday morning,” he added.
Mr. Morsi also said he wished to discuss the possibility of postponing a referendum on a draft constitution that the opposition said was rushed through by a panel dominated by Islamists.
Mr. Morsi’s November 22 decree – which put his decisions beyond judicial review – sparked Egypt’s current political crisis, which has seen deadly clashes between his Islamist supporters and secular-leaning opponents.
Seven people died and more than 600 were injured on Wednesday night in clashes between the two sides outside the presidential palace, and army tanks were deployed to keep demonstrators at bay.
The new draft charter, approved by an Islamist-dominated panel, boycotted by liberals and Christians and objected to by the opposition on the grounds that it limits freedom of expression, women’s rights and freedom of worship, is set for a popular referendum on December 15.
Opposition leaders have said they will only take part in talks if the referendum is postponed and Mr. Morsi repeals his decree.
