Obasanjo Condemned For The Situation In Nigeria
By Osita Nwajah [1999]
Lagos – In the biggest internalย military operation, Nigerian soldiers destroy anย entire village in the restive Nigerย Delta, igniting local and internationalย condemnation for President Olusegunย Obasanjo.
Soon after General Olusegun Obasanjo’sย election in the 27 February 1999ย presidential election, Nigerians facedย their first test over their new leader: how wasย he to be addressed-General, President,ย uncle or a simple, plain, mister?ย Elsewhere, that should not haveย attracted the serio-comic debates that followed.ย But this is Nigeria where normativeย principles of social relations usually stand onย their heads. Was President adequateย reference for a man who had been a four- star General and head of state,ย commander-in-chief of the armed forces to boot?ย The debate was consuming enough for theย president to put out that he was also aย traditional chief. Many of those whoย participated in the debate drew strength fromย the perception that the president mayย find it difficult to live down his militaryย background, even in the environment ofย democracy. Events in the past few weeksย seem to have proved them right.
On 19 November, more than 50 armyย trucks trundled through snaky paths andย forests into the heart of Kolokuma/Opokuma. It would not be the first time peopleย of the local government area in Bayelsaย State would see soldiers. But, not thisย many. At least, not in peace times.ย Those who had attained cognitive ages duringย the 1967-70 Biafran civil war mayย remember having seen that much number ofย troops. Unofficial sources put theย number of troops at between 3,000 and 5,000.
Even though no war had been declared,ย everyone knew where the soldiers wereย headed. Two weeks earlier, the news hadย spread through the surrounding villages,ย that there was problem in Odi. Youthsย protesting the presence of policemen in theย village, had seized seven of them andย slaughtered them. Then, again, another fiveย were sent to their early graves. Theย situation appear to have gone out of control. Anย enraged President Olusegun Obasanjoย gave the Bayelsa State Governor, Chiefย Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, two weeks toย fish out the cop killers and restore peaceย to the area. The Governor threw up hisย hands in defeat.
When the Police Affairs Minister,ย Major-General Jemibewon (rtd.) visited Yenagoaย last Thursday, the account the Bayelsaย Governor gave him of the situation in Odiย before the army action was the same heย gave to the Senate President, Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, on Monday. He said that one Ken Nneweira, an indigene of Odi and a dangerous criminal who allegedly had a gang of bandits perpetrating armed robbery on the East-West Road and piracy on the waterways, was responsible for the killing of the policemen. According to the governor, Ken sacked his late father’s wives and took over his house, converting it to the ‘command headquarters’ of his ‘army.’ His late father, according to Alamieyeseigha, was a police officer. When the news got to Odi that the Odua People’s Congress clashed with Ijaws in Ajegunle, Lagos, during the funeral of an Odi indigene, Ken started training Odi youths for aย ย future showdown with the OPC. The police heard about this and wanted to pre-empt him.
However, some of the murderous youths,ย including Ken Nneweira sources told Theย News, were linked to Alameiyeseigha’sย electioneering campaign. His campaignย organisation had allegedly recruitedย them to strike fear into his opponents. Theย promise of proper settlement after heย won the election having not been met, theย hoodlums allegedly took over a part ofย Yenagoa and imposed a regime of terror.ย They extorted money from innocentย passers-by of the place that came to beย known as ‘black market.’ People wereย routinely robbed and women raped. After aย time, the police moved in and after aย fierce battle, dislodged the hoodlums. Theย Area Commander for Yenagoa himself, Mr.ย Thomas Jokotola, CSP, led thatย operation last September. There wereย some casualties. Some of the ‘black marketย boys’ were killed, a good number wereย arrested and clamped into detention. Asย they fled, the hoodlums encounteredย some soldiers along Harbour road, Yenagoa.ย The unsuspecting military men wereย mowed down. Life seemed to return to normalย after that bloody clash in Yenagoa.ย However, two months after, CSP Jokotola, aย Yoruba ‘with heavy facial tribal marks’ย from Ipetumodu in Ife North Localย Government Area surfaced in Odi, withย six other policemen, on ‘special duty.’ Theย hoodlums who had retreated to thatย town, pounced on him and his colleagues.ย Their corpses were discovered daysย after. Already smarting from a spate of violentย clashes across the country, Presidentย Obasanjo read Alamieyeseigha, the riot act.ย However, sources disclosed that theย Federal Government believed that theย governor might not be able to handleย the situation. The ultimatum, if anything, wasย a subtle indictment. He did not,ย however, wait till the expiration of the ultimatu m.
Five days clear of the 24 Novemberย ultimatum, the President lost his patience andย invoked emergency powers. Forty-eightย hours later, the rural town of Odi wasย levelled. Only a church and a bankย building survived the operation. Nothing whichย had life — man or animal — was moving. Theyย were either dead or in hiding in theย ย bushes. “The instructions given to theย troops were clear, specific andย unambiguous- that is, dislodgeย perpetrators of violence, restore law and order andย apprehend suspected murderers.” Dr.ย Doyin Okupe, Obasanjo’s Special Adviser onย Media and Publicity clarified lastย week. The soldiers commanded by one Lt.- Col.ย Agbabiaka clearly overshot their brief.ย Over 300 were reported killed in the mostย widely condemned military action sinceย the General Sani Abacha pacifist troopsย overran Ogoniland. Alamieyeseighaย himself gleefully confirmed to women fromย across the state who met him for peaceย talks, that “your children, all those thatย are involved (in the killing of theย policemen) are dying like chickens. I just pity theย people of Odi,” he added.
Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, Senate Presidentย who visited Odi days after the massacreย was too shocked by what he saw to makeย a statement. So also, Professor Isoun,ย a prominent son of Odi. He could onlyย manage, “we are mourning now, so I cannotย say anything.” Senator Sulaiman Ajadiย who was in the Okadigbo entourage wasย aghast. “I don’t see the reason forย hitting an ant with a sledgehammer,” heย bemoaned, adding, “even a foreignย invasion would not have been moreย devastating.” Professor Wole Soyinka,ย Nobel Laureate and social activist lamentedย the heavy-handedness. Nothing, he saidย at a news conference last week, justifiedย the murder of policemen and in the sameย vein, there was no justification for theย “revenge mission.” Obasanjo he said,ย “had no reason for laying a human habitationย to waste… (no reason) for unleashingย the animalism of the military on Odi becauseย a crime was committed.”
But Okupe would hear no such. Theย President’s image maker charged back, fullย force. “Those who criticize theย deployment of troops to the troubled area are eitherย guilty of shameful ignorance or areย simply playing to the gallery.” Further, Okupeย asserted that the government’s actionย was well within the ambit of allย internationally accepted human rightsย convention. Tim Akpareva, Capn, Nationalย Association of Seadogs (NAS), told Theย News last week, that Okupe’s statementย was “unfortunate.” He wondered how aย responsible government can, after theย mindless carnage as witnessed in Odi,ย “come out to thump its chest forย annihilating its own people. We areย reminded once again of the Abacha years ofย waste. The action at Odi was a callousย over-kill,” Akpareva stated.
However, the force commander, Lt.-Col.ย Agbabiaka, explained away the massacreย to the Okadigo team, as a ‘defensiveย action.’ Okupe, however, gave a more graphicย elaboration and justification: “Onย arrival at Odi township, the soldiers were putย under heavy bombardment fromย highly-sophisticated artillery (manned) by trainedย fighters disguising as youths. Thisย gang of dissidents made it impossible for troopsย to enter the township for over threeย hours and because of approaching night and toย avoid unnecessary civilian casualties,ย the government troops withdrew and laid lowย even though they had the fire power andย manpower to override the militantย terrorists. The troops resorted to thisย in order not to depart from their brief and toย ensure that there is no wastage ofย human life.”
What the soldiers apparently did, wasย to withdraw and re-strategise. What theyย could not do under the cover ofย darkness, they decided, they needed the light ofย dawn to do. By morning, they overturnedย their brief, deploying maximum force. Theย innocent civilian lives that were veryย sacrosanct the night before, suddenly becameย very expendable. Mrs. Dora Nana, toldย The News, “my husband died just beforeย the soldiers came. He is still in aย mortuary,” the invading troops would only add toย her grief. “They shot my four children,ย right here in my presence.” One of them wasย only a girl of 12. The News was told byย interested parties that the task given to theย soldiers before they set on theirย wastage mission was to shoot to kill, especiallyย every male found in Odi, old, young,ย infirm. Every male. In the melee, women alsoย fell to the hail of bullets. Housesย pounded by mortar and rockets caved in onย babies.
The army take over complete, the troopsย established a mini-garrison in Odi.ย Nobody could get in or out. Those whoย were lucky enough to escape the massacreย remained in the bushes, feeding on wildย fruits, until the senate president came.ย Even then, only a handful of thoroughlyย malnourished people ventured out. And,ย only barely more than a handful othersย will ever come back to pick the shatteredย pieces of their lives in Odi. Not evenย the palliative N5 billion announced for the stateย by President Obasanjo, can lure themย back. President Obasanjo’s announcementย of the aid package to construct roadsย and link Bayelsa to the national electricityย grid has in fact, drawn moreย condemnation than praise.
Nnimmo Bassey, architect andย environmental rights activist flays the tokenism. “Itย has passed the stage where the peopleย would rejoice on being given one road or aย few electricity poles.” Ron Van denย Berg, Shell (Nigeria) managing director thinks,ย “what all concerned should do is toย stop talking and do something now. There is aย lot of talk and nothing is being done.ย Doing something shouldn’t be difficult. For aย place to develop, it takes a plan andย we are ready to help in anyway we can.”ย Obasanjo himself acknowledges that theย abject lack of development in the whole ofย the Niger Delta region “constitutes aย major source of internationalย embarrassment.” Nigeria is the world’sย sixth largest producer of crude oil.” Nextย year alone, $8.4 billion is projected as revenue from oil. Over 90 per cent of theย nation’s total external revenue is fromย the black gold more than 30 per cent ofย which is to be found in Bayelsa State.
Although there is no direct linkage toย it, the recurrent battle for control of theย resources of the Niger Delta which haveย become almost a common feature,ย growing by the day, in stridency andย sophistication, weighs heavily on the Odiย massacre.
While it took only a police action toย crush the Isaac Adaka Boro 12-day revolutionย of the early 1960s, today it could takeย a combined joint forces operation to attemptย to tame youthful insurgents in theย region. Also, while between Boro and theย Egbesu militia for instance, theย strategies may have changed noticeably, theย demands have remained basically theย same in the last 40 years-recognition of theย ecological devastation of oilย exploitation and adequate compensation andย development of the oil-bearingย communities. And, apart from their individual groupย sophistication, the primary combatantsย of the 1960s are still the same, set to carryย their mutual antagonism, through intoย the 21st century.
The conflict triangle in theย Niger-Delta has the oil-bearing host communitiesย squaring it up with the oil explorationย and service companies. The demands of theย communities have always been that theyย be made to feel positively the impact ofย the oil companies which operate inย their areas making several millions of dollars,ย monthly. They demand outrightย compensation for their flora and fauna; theirย farmlands and fishing ponds, theirย homes and the shrines of their deities,ย devastated by the heavy equipment,ย pipes and oil spillage arising from theย companies’ activities. They demandย social infrastructure-roads, pipe-borne water,ย electricity, schools, hospitals,ย contracts and employment for their sons andย daughters. The companies on the otherย hand, contest the claims, saying most ofย them are outrageous and wild. Theyย admit only limited responsibility, holding thatย most of the claims of their hostย communities can only be legitimately made ofย government-at the local, state andย Federal levels which collect taxes, royalties andย all manners of levies on theirย operations. They point out that they are anyway,ย junior partners in joint ventures withย the Federal Government of Nigeria, whichย through the Nigeria National Petroleumย Corporation, holds at least, 60 per centย equity shareholding in all oil andย oil-related ventures. To immediately pacify theirย restive hosts, the oil companiesย employing divide-and- rule tactics, usually knockย the wind out of the sail of popularย uprising by ‘settling’ a few of the troublesomeย community leaders. But, they wouldย rather the communities channel theirย grievances in the direction ofย ย government.
But, to most of the barely-educatedย youths of the Niger-Delta, government is anย amorphous creation. The closest theyย have ever come to it, is by the obtrusiveย presence of the oil companies. So, theyย take out their anger on them. Many ofย their leaders, mostly well-educated andย exposed professionals, also know aboutย the oil company-governmentย relationship. They have access to the indices ofย international spot market trade andย know exactly how much is taken out of theย belly of their lands everyday, and howย much, by cruel manipulation, alternatively goย to develop other parts of the countryย and improve the lives of families and friends ofย officials of government.
The methods they employ to make a caseย for their communities range from (as itย would seem) the marginally-productiveย dialogue and negotiation, to theย highly-dangerous installationsย sabotage, rioting, kidnapping of oil companyย officials, seizure of facilities,ย murder and outright declaration of war.
Without exception, government hasย always taken sides with the multinational oilย companies whenever the Niger-Deltaย explodes. Being an interested party, theย military regimes of Generals Ibrahimย Babangida and Sani Abacha especially, wereย more inclined to employ ‘maximum force’ย to subdue restive peoples of the Niger- Delta. That perhaps explains why theย flattening of Odi, what could have been aย ‘normal’ occurrence under Abacha, hasย attracted so much local and internationalย attention.
The much-attacked Okupe justification,ย in fact, does not come a shade close toย the widely-published valedictory ofย Major Paul Okutimo who led the Internal Taskย Force on Security set up to implementย the Rivers State Government Orderย 419-Restoration of Law and Order inย Ogoniland, 1994. Okutimo who boasted toย journalists that he was a specialistย trained in over 200 ways of elimination, wasย most graphic in his narration:
“The first three days of the operation,ย I operated in the night. Nobody knew where Iย was coming from. What I will just do isย that I will just take some detachment ofย soldiers, they will just stay at fourย corners of the town. They have automatic (rifles)ย that sold death. If you hear the soundย you will freeze. And then I will equally nowย choose about 200 soldiers and give themย grenade explosives, very hard ones.
“So we shall surround the town atย night. The machine gun with 500 rounds willย open up. When four or five like thatย open up and then we are throwing grenadesย ย and they are making eekpuwaiย (onomatopoeia for loud, shattering noise), what doย you think people are going to do? Andย ย we have already put roadblock on the mainย road, we don’t want anybody to startย running (we decided) we shall drive all theseย people into the bush with nothing except the pants and wrappers they are usingย that night” (sic). In two months,ย Okutimo and his boys had overrun Ogoniland,ย village by village. But in spite of theย pounding of fear into the people, raping of theirย women and other acts of brigandageย against the Ogoni, the struggle againstย government and the oil companies onlyย grew wider and wilder. It was therefore aย roundly frustrated Gen. Abacha who setย up and executed leaders of the Ogoniย minority rights movement, among themย the popular writer, Ken Saro-Wiwa, 10ย November 1995.
Before that, it was Umuechem that cameย closest to the Odi experience. Threeย policemen sent to keep the peace in theย Rivers State town in 1990, were abductedย by rioting youths protestingย environmental pollution and neglect of their town byย Shell Petroleum Development Company.ย When they would not give up theย policemen, a detachment of policemenย were sent to take care of the situation.ย They rolled in with an armoured tankย and sophisticated combat weapons. By theย time they were through, an officialย inquiry revealed, 25 persons had been killed,ย 650 buildings reduced to rubbles andย 175 bicycles had become a mangled heap ofย twisted and charred metal. Of course,ย inestimable stock of crops and livestockย went up as burnt offerings to the godsย of war. The Federal and state governmentsย owned up to the mindless destructionย and approved compensation of N10 millionย and N2 million respectively to theย people of Umuechem.
There are talks of probes by theย National Assembly into the Odi massacre. Butย rather than own up to the wrong-headedย application of force, the government hasย furiously defended its action ensuringย for itself, sustained barrage of opprobrium.ย An unnamed state security source quotedย by Reuters, however, sees the reasonย behind the tough posture of theย Obasanjo administration. “I think part of the ideaย behind the attack on Odi was to show aย bit of muscle and warn people theย government is serious, teach them a bitย of a lesson.”
But if anything, the Odi massacre hasย served to up the stakes in the volatileย Niger-Delta. Oronto Douglas, lawyer andย Ijaw rights activist has warned thatย ย Obasanjo, being part of the Niger-Deltaย problem should get ready for a groundswellย of opposition from the Ijaw and otherย ethnic nationalities in the Niger-Delta. Mr.ย Bello Orubebe, lawyer and coordinatorย of the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, (NDVF),ย the armed wing of the Ijaw Nationalย Congress told The News that the sacking ofย Odi has made the Ijaw more determinedย on the ‘Kaiama Declaration,’ insisting onย self-determination and control ofย resources from Ijawland, within the Nigerianย federation. “But, if Obasanjo’s actionย towards the Ijaw continues like he has doneย to Odi, a true, full-blownย self-determination of the Ijaw people becomes the mostย attractive option. The Ijaw are at aย crossroads: We have to take our destiny in ourย hands. There are no two ways about it.”ย Felix Tuodolo, President, Ijaw Youthย Council insists that “if the Bamaiyis,ย Al-Mustaphas, Gwarzos and Abachas areย facing trial for heinous crimes againstย the people, then President Obasanjo shouldย face trial for the killings of innocentย Ijaw people (in Odi).”
The fever-pitch antagonism betweenย President Obasanjo and radical elements ofย the Ijaw rights movements, mostly foundย in the oil-producing states of Rivers,ย Bayelsa and Delta did not start at Odi.ย Only two weeks after his inauguration asย President, Obasanjo toured the volatileย region. At the Government House, Portย Harcourt, the President met with someย Ijaw youths. The encounter was charged.ย At a point, the youths broke into aย rally call chant, Aah Izon. Hei! Obasanjoย generally known to have a short fuse,ย exploded, “who are you threatening? Youย think you can threaten me? You areย bloody idiots. You are here in front of me andย you are doing (mimicking) heiyeiya hei!ย who born monkey (who or what do youย think you are)?” They, however,ย apologised to the President when he insisted on it.
Earlier, in December 1998, Obasanjo hadย set out what looked like the guidingย principle of his government’sย relationship with individuals and groups in theย tinderbox region. He had toldย journalists then that “if the Niger Delta people wantย certain amendments to the constitutionย of the country, they should initiate it in theย appropriate way. lobby for it at theย National Assembly.” Any other method ofย self-expression was unacceptable to theย President. He himself, in fact, took a bill,ย the Niger Delta Development Commissionย (NDDC) Bill to the National Assembly. Ifย it had been passed, the NDDC would haveย been the bureaucratic framework byย which he hoped to transform the Nigerย Delta. But bickering over the structure andย funding of the commission and theย sustained instability of the leadership of theย National Assembly ensured that theย lawmakers maintained a state of suspendedย animation over the NDDC Bill, until Odiย happened.
Obasanjo drew attention to this delay,ย when he announced the N5 billion whichย itself, drew a flurry of critical barbsย for the president. Orubebe shooting from theย hips, said the belated action showedย “the paucity of official reasoning. Why did heย not by-pass the National Assemblyย before now? And by the way, is that the kind ofย development we are seeking? We areย asking for a constitutionally guaranteed totalย development.” Nnimmo Bassey too, lastย week, wondered if “(Obasanjo) would sayย he is truly concerned about the stateย of neglect of the oil-bearing communities. Heย has the NDDC Bill to wave at us as aย proof of his concern and understanding of theย problems. The people have looked atย that bill critically and demanded that it beย thrown into the trash bin.” Timย Akpareva insists that “such half-baked palliatives asย the ones Obasanjo is trying to put inย place do not solve the problems which areย deeper than he has imagined.” He andย all other social activists who have spokenย on the Odi massacre underscore that theย only way out of the cycle of violence inย the Niger Delta and other flashpointsย of Nigeria, is the convoking of a Sovereignย National Conference where everybody,ย every group, will meet to state and debateย their fears, hopes and aspirations,ย realities and visions and in general and specificย terms, work out rules guiding theirย future relationships. Soyinka re-states: “we willย keep screaming into their ears: thisย nation is not working, (it) has got to beย restructured.”
That is the single-dose, cure-allย remedy the Nobel Laureate and a great manyย others, prescribe for the otherย security migraine the president has been afflictedย with in the recent past. Many who haveย contributed critical appraisals of theย president’s Odi debacle have drawnย parallels between it and other recentย communal violence in Ketu (Lagos) andย Sagamu (Ogun), both in Obasanjo’s ethnicย Yorubaland, and Kano, in the powerfulย northern Nigeria. The views of some criticsย with minorities’ sympathies areย unanimous that the president in reacting to the Odiย crisis, showed unacceptable bias.ย Taking off from there, some have gone ahead toย reopen age-old ethnic animosities. Mr.ย Andrew Edevbie, who fired an angry letter toย the President from Detroit, Michigan,ย USA, warning him that “Nigeria under yourย presidency is heading forย disintegration,” recalled that in the Ketu, Sagamu andย Kano crises, “the number of policemenย and security personnel lost in the line ofย duty, is far in excess of the 12ย policemen allegedly killed in Odi.”
Yet, the President, he noted, did notย declare a state of emergency in the areasย “neither are we aware of any attempt byย your government to punish the peoples ofย Lagos, Sagamu and Kano.” Unimpressed byย the President’s widely- criticisedย shoot-on-sight order of members of theย Oodua People’s Congress, (OPC), given toย the police, Edevbie reads anย ethno-economic agenda to the President’s reaction toย Odi. “The Oodua Peoples Congress, theย Yoruba military wing and radical elementsย in the north (including the apostles ofย Sharia law) continue to operate freely andย your government has so far made noย meaningful effort to contain their activities.ย Clearly, your reaction to theย unfortunate death of police officers in Bayelsa isย predicated on your avowed determinationย to guarantee the flow of oil revenue thatย you need … the invasion has little toย do with concern for human lives,” Edevbieย concluded. Orubebe came to a similarย summation. “What did (Obasanjo) do to theย OPC? He merely came on air and said heย was giving the OPC a second chance.ย We know Obasanjo’s hidden agenda.”
However, some trenchant critics ofย Obasanjo (many of them his Yoruba kinsmenย for whom he is supposedly pursuing anย ethnic agenda) think differently. If there isย any ethno-regional agenda beingย pursued, especially in the aftermath of the Ketuย killings, they insist, it is skewed inย favour of the Hausa/Fulani north. The Ketu ‘Mileย 12’ market pitted mostly Yoruba againstย Hausa traders. As at the last officialย count, 90 people had died as a resultย of the clash for which the OPC was widelyย blamed for instigating. Presidentย Obasanjo in response, issued a shoot-on-sightย order to policemen in Lagos. Nnimmoย Bassey wonders: “who (are) to be shot onย sight? How are they to be identified?ย Who is to determine who was guiltyย on-sight?” Anyway, sure that the Lagosย State Police Command which it has in theย past alleged to be controlled byย officers and men of northern extraction would onlyย be too happy to carry out theย presidential order, the OPC last week asked allย policemen of origins other than Yorubaย to leave Lagos and other ‘Oodua states.’ย “The (President’s shoot-on-sight)ย order,” OPC founder, Dr. Frederick Fasehunย says, “holds the hands of one combatantย while the other continues to punch him.”
It is clear President Obasanjo isย desperate to underline, against the recurrentย threats to national security, that heย is not ‘only in government, but in power.’ย However, everyone is agreed thatย whether the conflict is in Odi, Ketu or Kano, theย resort to strong arm tactics by theย interested parties, least of all the government, isย the most wrong of conflict managementย strategies. If anything, violent expressionsย of conflicts end up sucking everybodyย into a vortex of interminable chaos, tension,ย bloodshed and tears. And for all that,ย there will be one person to blame: Presidentย Olusegun Obasanjo. Nnimmo Bassey and,ย indeed, most Nigerians are resolved toย hold him and his governmentย “accountable for all shot-on-sight, raped-on-sight orย for even those shot in the dark (forย lack of sight).”
Additional reports by Bolaji Adepegba,ย Casmir Igbokwe, Okafor Ofiebor, Chiomaย Obiabaka, Tayo Olubi, Sylvester Asoya,ย Richard Elesho, Lara Owoeye-Wyse,ย Tony Orilade, Iyobosa Uwugiaren andย Abimbola Ogunnaike.
Publication date: December 13, 1999
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